Introducing Venus

 

Time to fulfill a promise. Last year, about nine months ago now, I previewed a novel I had then nearly completed and which now has been available for about three months online. At the time it was called Blocked, not that names matter, and I wrote that I’d comment on the novel, its various themes and other elements, leading up to and beyond its publication. Alas, that didn’t happen. Sorry. I know you were waiting with baited breath. Anyway, I got distracted, like my protagonist Daniel Pierce often does; became sarcastic, as I still am, though he is less so. Among other things, my object relations explicating Tommy article got accepted for publication in an academic journal (I’m quite proud of that, in case you can’t tell), and random events occurred, concerning dogs, graphic novels, the politics of evidence-based psychotherapy: all happening with Bionic (as in Wilfred) meaning.

So the novel’s called Venus Looks Down On A Prairie Vole, which is a meaningful title, but you’d have to read the novel to learn fully its point. I know. What a typical, asshole-self-important author thing to write. Well, I’ll give a heads up on a couple of things, hopefully make this labor of my last two years interesting for you. Venus is a reference to women, which shouldn’t surprise. A prairie vole is a monogamous rodent. There. Figured it out yet? Oh well, let’s take it one step at a time, one day at a time, which should clue you into one theme of the story, at least. So, the first chapter (about five pages, I think), will introduce you to Daniel Pierce, a lonesome psychologist (actually, the reader doesn’t really learn his name and vocation until chapter two) who is talking to an insurance representative, seeking payment for a claim that’s gone awry, but also flirting somewhat. There’s some foreshadowing in this comic opening, but mostly I’m introducing a voice—one that’s flippant, like this blog entry—and a theme of subjugation to a system or machine. Daniel suffers and doesn’t “forgive” systems, but he latches onto individuals, like his clients, and also like the angelic-seeming, barely English speaking helper on the line. She’ll listen to him, he hopes. She might really listen. No one else does, he explains sourly.

There isn’t much to help a reader feel sorry for the self-pitying Daniel Pierce, but a troubled, flaky son, and a deceased wife give some cause early on. Later, as he becomes dogmatic, contrary, awkwardly humored, if self-deprecating, liking him might get even harder. But try, won’t you…he needs help. As to his crises, the reader first learns about Ryan, his early twenty something son: absconded from Daniel’s home after completing a stint in rehab and winning from him the reward of an inherited car—a bad move, Daniel concedes. You’ll learn that it’s one of many mistakes he is making in his life, though hereafter they will relate mostly to his working life: his poor boundaries, and at least questionable ethics. In the early pages, Daniel’s wife, Lisa, is introduced as “sleeping”—a figurative trick, for she is really gone. She and Ryan are spectral figures in this tale: oblique motivators, sources of regret, or in Lisa’s case, an overseer of sorts.

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Where’s the breast?

 

A comical question, no doubt. Somewhat crazy: inappropriate, eccentric. Welcome to the world of psychoanalysis, or more specifically, Kleinian or Bionian analysis. This is what a Bionion therapist might ask of a group making what he/she would call a ‘basic assumption’ of a dependent group (seeking a leader), and floundering in midst of unfulfilled expectation. Yesterday I attended a four hour presentation about the work of Wilfred Bion, whose name, like his copyrighted interventions, have dotted this blog over the last year or so. This essay follows the spirit of Bion, the seminar I attended on a sluggish Saturday morning: it will be inchoate, elusive in meaning; seemingly interchangeable at times with ideas that many working in or else consuming mental health systems will take for granted. A discussion of Bion’s ideas begins plainly enough, with references to having an ‘ordinary conversation’, the ‘subjective experience’ of the patient; a search for the ‘real’ experience. Yet there is a secret attached: a sense that understanding is something that is transiently captured but then hard to retain, as if the desired knowledge (if that’s the correct term) was not meant for us.

Having taught a class once on Bion I knew the bio: born into an aspiring gentry in India at the end of the 19th century, Wilfred went to boarding school at age 8 to one of those stiff, militant academies that Harry Potter has since immortalized; he faced peer cruelty, the incomprehensibility of adults…their occasional kindness. He recounts a story of a headmaster who rebuked him for a game in which a playfriend is harmed by a game involving a rope without a knot, tied around a neck. The game might have killed the boy, the headmaster admonished. The headmaster later spoke to an assembly of boys, sparing young Wilfred humiliation, but drawing attention to the dangers of exploratory play. Young Bion felt chastened but not shamed, and oddly understood. An incident with an initial meaning took on another meaning, and its evolution was understood and modified by what Bion would later term the ‘reverie’ of an adult.

World War I was a setback in many ways. Obliterating men, obliterating meaning, Bion never felt more foreign that when he fought on European soil as a tank commander, his responsibility that of determining enemy positions, orienting his comrades. Impossible, he decided, observing the chaos. Impossible also to take in the purpose and meaning of all that slaughter, though he noted the primitive attempts, the glorifications of Winston Churchill, for example, who wrote with seeming ecstasy about the sensuous whistle of bullets in the field. After a momentous campaign in Cambrai, France, Bion was offered a Victoria Cross medal for his bravery, but declined, and when interviewed by an admiring General, later reported: ‘I couldn’t think what to say’. So Bion’s development was one of estrangement from commonplace human aspirations: for power, status, or even belonging. An outsider, Bion contemplated trauma, dissociation, the breakdown of thinking, and links to emotion, and later brought to psychoanalysis an almost mystical view of the human mind.

To consider the types of scenarios wherein Bion’s ideas are relevant, a student should invest some time and read his seminal papers of the late fifties, early sixties: “Differentiation of psychotic and non-psychotic personalities”, “Attacks on linking”, “A theory of thinking”, in which Bion asserted that many patients in psychotherapy communicate via a primitive defense known as projective identification (a defense first explicated by Melanie Klein), inserting into another’s mind a disturbed experience, which is then to be either ‘contained’ or not, metabolized or not, and re-directed back to the patient for internalization. Bion offered that the psychotic individual, or he/she existing in like borderline states, experiences their mind as composed of furniture, ‘things in themselves’, not modified by symbolic function as language, dream and metaphor (the ingredients of what Bion termed Alpha function), but lost in minutia. Thus we consider the experience of the patient who enters an office in which the therapist has made alterations to the (literal) furniture, and is rendered uncomfortable, and is not only incapable of putting words to that experience, but is also blocking of the therapist’s attempt to reflect back and give meaning. Lacking this fund of knowledge, or ‘K’ as Bion dubbed it, the patient in this proto-psychotic state exists in a world of things, drained of ideas, meaning, and feeling.

Later in his career, Bion expanded his theory to include the concept of ‘O’, or ‘being’, to denote a mystical, transformative experience. In his worldview, the outsider is a key figure: he or she is a genius, an innovator; contained by an established order, that (like me) dilutes ideas so as to make them digestible by a mass audience, the outsider is restrained only by God, ultimately. Bion’s book, Transformations, may have alienated him somewhat from the psychoanalytic community, who appear to have inherited or internalized Freud’s supposed distaste for the spiritual, but it crystallizes for the modern therapist an essential task when sitting with patients. Why? Because patients or clients don’t come into our offices with explicitly organized complaints like “Who am I?” or “I need to figure out how I think?” As therapists, our precociousness (yesterday’s speaker’s term) leads us to give premature insights, to show off our minds, deliver solutions; understand our patients before they understand themselves. We want to do that. I want to do that. And I believe the people who come see me want this also…sort of. But it is not cheaply arrived at, and between complaint and working through there is, more often than not, a nameless wasteland that elicits dread: it is a space of boredom and emptiness; it is painful in ways that are hard to describe on a somatosensory level, though we may be arrested at that point of entry. It is a dead zone of sorts, and a therapist, the person standing before an uncertain process,  is a kind of Grim Reaper.

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The war of evidence-based psychotherapy: part three

 

So the efficacy debate doesn’t matter, but only in so far as it’s moot to the powers that be. For providers (therapists) of all traditions it can also be moot to one degree or another. Perhaps suspecting that evidence-based research is a ‘sham’ (as Jonathan Shedler puts it), therapists can diversify their approaches, be flexible, incorporate interventions that don’t fit prescribed models because control of the process from the top is… illusory? As stated earlier, depth therapy providers can at times aim their interventions at cognitions and not affect; CBT providers can aim their words at cognitions but hold knowledge of an intrapsychic defense structure. If a client or patient (I know. I use the terms interchangeably. Sorry) asks in a session, “Do you find me boring,” it’s not from the CBT workbook or ‘cookbook’ to demur upon gratifying curiosity while exploring the meaning of the question itself. The pedigree of that approach is clearly psychodynamic, counter to the social norm of saying “of course not!” (to spare rather than understand feelings), and is understood as an accepted technique by all but the most pedestrian members of my profession.

And there are countless other moments that call for an effort to understand rather than soothe. However, I think most providers, working variously upon a taut schedule and budget, become selective. Highly selective. In my book, Working Through Rehab, I opine that psychodynamic depth-therapy models are not so much prohibited as institutionally proscribed. In most mental health agencies, hospitals, especially, there’s no one listening in on a consistent basis, determining that interventions fit the principles of CBT versus alternative approaches. It’s more that the conditions imposed on providers and consumers lend themselves to CBT methods, and at least make more difficult a committed psychodynamic approach. On one level, these conditions include limited numbers of sessions authorized, reflecting expectations of linear treatment progress; frozen reimbursement rates for providers, which incline them to respond to rising costs with more patients, which in turn makes more difficult a depth approach with any given individual; in many but not all contexts, the requirement of copious documentation, intended to support interventions (rarely achieving this, actually), which also impinges upon providers’ tasks.

But let me give (finally?) a subtler illustration of how mental health systems (agencies, insurance providers) intrude upon a therapeutic process. In order to understand the following case anecdote, the reader must first understand something about the concept of transference, which pertains to unconscious thoughts and feelings, drawn from past relationships, which manifest in relationships between therapists and patients. Across theoretical orientations, transference is understood as an essential ingredient of a therapeutic episode (despite not being an evidence-based phenomenon); one that must be attended to by a therapist, otherwise therapy is undermined. This transpires via what James Masterson once termed transference acting out: a variation on transference wherein the patient acts out (unconsciously) old and pathological relationship patterns. Examples include missing appointments, arriving late, or not paying fees (or co-pays)—behaviors that constitute passive resistance to treatment, difficulties with authority, or responsibility-taking, that mirror broader problems in life. From the moment a trainee therapist first sits with a patient, he or she is told by a clinical supervisor that such behaviors ARE important; that they must be addressed directly, or else real therapy won’t occur.

So consider a patient who is acting out a resistance to therapy via missed sessions, late cancellations or lateness, versus talking about ambivalence to treatment openly, even consciously. In the extant system of managed care, a therapist can treat those behaviors as examples of transference acting out, but will have to do so on his or her own dime, so to speak. Meaning, they cannot charge the patient for missed appointments, or bill the insurance company for missed sessions (unless acting fraudulently), because technically no service is provided if there are no sessions. In the minds of administrators, nothing is happening when this occurs. So the patient is not held responsible for missed sessions, which in turn undermines efforts to explore the behavior’s meaning if and when the person does return to therapy. After all, why should they take seriously a behavior for which there is no consequence?

Why won’t third party payers observe the bedrock principles of psychotherapy? Because they only reimburse that which is observable; because transference is not an evidence-based phenomenon; because the administrators of our populist, utilitarian mental health system (third party payers, funding sources and insurance), utilize the rubric of “medical necessity”, authorizing services which are intended to reduce an observable syndrome of pathology, not “contain” the projections of a disordered intrapsychic structure, in part because they wouldn’t know what that last clause means. Insurance companies might mimic CBT practitioners by, as one supervisor of mine once put it, acting as if the unconscious doesn’t exist, but more importantly, they won’t pay for its unfolding process, whether they understand it or not. Assuming a provider relations official would engage me on this subject, he or she would likely suggest that a beneficiary who repeatedly misses sessions be fired; meaning, that their therapy be terminated. Beyond that, there would be little room for confronting acting out behavior, holding the patient responsible for resistant behavior while “holding” therapeutic space available—again, unless the provider is willing to foot the bill for missed sessions.

The following is not an overstatement: those within the psychoanalytic community argue that the implications of this kind of system-wide policy are profound. Recently, a patient I see via a public health contract missed back-to-back sessions. Days later he called to apologize, knowing I couldn’t bill for the missed sessions, and also knowing that I was contractually bound to not charge him. He offered to withdraw from therapy, expressing regret and feeling disentitled, and proclaiming that there were others more needy or deserving that could use my services. On the one hand, it seemed a craven gesture, this passive retreat. But it also seemed to reflect a rather sad and commonplace expectation: that failure will be ruthlessly punished, with no conversation necessary; that individuals are replaceable, or that conflicts are best dealt with swiftly; that is, until the next one arises, thus cycles perpetuate. I think there are few in our culture who would have called for a suspended sentence in the above instance, much less a protracted discussion, yet this is what I did, reeling this man back in with my interpretations of inner conflict while absorbing the cost of his absences. I’m not looking for applause, for there’s certainly a limit to how often I can do this if I want to make a living. But I am echoing the psychoanalysts’ utilitarian-balking complaint. Borrowing language from behaviorism (turnaround is fair play), they’d assert that extant policies of mental health systems reinforce a societal tendency towards splitting: of dualism, black and white, either/or, all-or-nothing (pick your synonym) thinking and being, wherein the lines are drawn between stay or go, profit and loss; the good and the bad, the evidenced-based and the not. The space for a longer, slower, more involved, subtler exchange between what Bion called the container and the contained is squeezed in our national apparatus of care—some say destroyed, leaving in its place a system beset with pathos. You can disagree if you like but remember, you won’t get paid for your time.

 

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The War of evidence-based psychotherapy: part two

 

Turnaround is fair play. That’s what it seems like when the champions of psychodynamic models like Jonathan Shedler caricature their CBT counterparts. As I’m no more in their offices as they are in mine, I don’t really know what they do or don’t do in their interventions, but I glean. I don’t glean that my CBT colleagues use workbooks like cookbooks, offering rote interventions that they either memorize or read from a sheet. Nor do I think that most CBT therapists interrupt when a client is speaking of family of origin material; that they scoff at such unstructured navel-gazing and inform clients that exploring the past is a waste of time. Many believe in a structured approach, one that mimics a teaching paradigm to some extent: passing out information worksheets, assigning homework…educating. I recall working in an agency that made copious use of defense analysis worksheets. Clients were meant to read along in a group or in one-on-one meetings, examples of typical defense mechanisms matched to illustrative phrases. They were meant to reflect and say, “I think I do that”, and so on, presumably so they’d learn to not exercise those habits in the future. I’d give lectures to groups on defense mechanisms, codependency—a host of topics I liked expounding upon—delivered bullet-point style, to individuals who appeared to lap up didactic material, to learn if not wholly integrate into their minds, because the learning they need isn’t academic. It simply isn’t. Anyway, the promulgaters of structured approaches think it necessary to, as they sometimes put it, set the limb (with information) before they encourage the broken patient to walk (meaning, explore). It was/is a catchy turn of phrase and powerful use of metaphor, only it doesn’t really work. The mind isn’t like a limb.

But ultimately, it doesn’t matter, this debate between proponents of CBT versus the range of psychoanalytically-derived therapies. It doesn’t matter because the establishment that drives mental health treatment has made its choice, based upon economics (the supposition that CBT is a more cost-effective approach), but justified publicly by invoking evidence-based research. Meanwhile, adherents of psychodynamic models ever hold space for a deeper, longer-lasting, sometimes abstruse and painful descent. Students of these models are on the workplace fringe unless working independently. They sometimes meet, in apparent secrecy, in ‘forums’ in hospital basements, Saturday morning church halls, to discuss their older theories like freemasons keeping one step ahead of orthodoxy. Analyst Wilfrid Bion wrote half a century ago that the role of the mental health provider was to be a container for the pathological patient who attacks his or her mind, and to operate without memory or desire so that an unfettered examination of projections and introjections can occur. His approach wouldn’t fly in most mental health agencies, psychiatrist offices today. He ethos is going to sound a lot different on a treatment plan than, say, “Client will use tools to reduce behavior X over the ensuing 90 days”, or “Take 30mgs of Effexor each day”.

The Bion line wouldn’t go on a treatment plan. It would scarcely enter a ‘team’ meeting, or a consult with a fellow professional. And it’s not because professionals don’t think there’s value in the approach of analysts like Wilfrid Bion or his latter day followers. That’s why the debate doesn’t matter, because it’s not really about which approach is better, but rather which approach is more plainly understood; about what can be quantified, studied, measured, published and disseminated widely so that insurance companies, program clinical directors, and possibly consumers—all looking to varying degrees for ‘evidence’ of what works or doesn’t work—can point to something tangible and say, “hey, this looks like it has substance to it.” It’s about what’s utilitarian, more readily conveyed across channels, such that teamwork, professional fusion—that popular if suspect notion of ‘being on the same page’—can transpire.

When I was a clinical supervisor in a mental health agency, back in the day, I used to assuage interns with non-conformist leanings that the external voices of what is evidence-based are not ‘in the room’ with them (though some try to be or think they are ‘in the room’). This ambiguous freedom comes with responsibility, to decide what’s right for a patient, which often means what ‘feels’ right for a patient, when in the dense meaning of a therapeutic moment. Those patients, the consumers of mental health services, rely upon a sage and flexible approach, and they stand to lose if providers simply conform to that which is prescribed. The notion of ‘what works’ in mental health is quasi scientific, semi-observable; the phenomena of desired outcomes in mental health tend to be thinly defined, and observable only over short durations, which doesn’t speak to the lasting and unknown changes that the consumer seeks.

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The War of Evidence-Based Psychotherapy

  Work in a hospital or a community health agency of any kind and you’re likely to hear the term ‘evidence-based’ at some point, fairly early actually. Also, as a consumer of services you’re l…

Source: The War of Evidence-Based Psychotherapy

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The War of Evidence-Based Psychotherapy

 

Work in a hospital or a community health agency of any kind and you’re likely to hear the term ‘evidence-based’ at some point, fairly early actually. Also, as a consumer of services you’re likely to have heard this term applied to clinical practices of various kinds, medical and not. In the field of mental health, this term, borrowed from medical science, has largely served as the cudgel of Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) advocates eager to promote their methods and mostly derivative theories to practitioners and third party payers (i.e: insurance companies). Since the late eighties, the ‘evidence-based’ tag has been used to assert or at least imply the superiority of cognitive behavioral therapy over traditional, insight-oriented or psychodynamic approaches to mental health. The strategy has been so successful that when people speak of ‘talk therapy’, the assumption (contrary to that of, say, two generations ago) is that a psycho-educational or cognitive-behavioral approach is being referenced.

The scope of this article cannot detail all of the differences between the apparently warring factions, though I will point in what I think is the right direction. First of all, a negative suggestion: ignore Psychology Today. It dilutes issues, in my opinion, versus opening the reader’s mind. It does advertise my practice capably enough, however, so that’s all I’ll say about PT for now. Second: besides combing through the one hundred and twenty plus unheralded yet worthy blog entries on this site, readers might seek out the writings of one Jonathan Shedler, psychology professor at The University of Colorado and perhaps the foremost crusader of the last decade for the restoration of the psychodynamic therapy’s public and professional image. For at least that long Shedler has been an outspoken critic not only of CBT, but of its advocates’ tactics in marketing their method to providers, third party payers, and consumers. In Working Through Rehab, my 2013 excoriation of adolescent drug treatment, I cite Shedler’s 2010 American Psychologist article, “The Efficacy of Psychodynamic Psychotherapy”, which outlines the essential features of a psychodynamic (BTW: an umbrella term for psychoanalytically-derived models) treatment, and offers comprehensive evidence for its efficacy, contrary to the dismissive claims of CBT supporters. In his latest paper, “Where is the Evidence for Evidence-based treatment”, Shedler ups the ante with scathing condemnations of research practices of CBT advocates, more or less mocking their claims. The result makes for some entertaining reading, which I shall review here.

Tracing the history of the evidence-based (movement?), Shedler calls out the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) as the biggest culprit of ‘evidence-based’ misinformation, starting in the late eighties. Citing research that began a decade earlier than that, he points out that studies pertaining to treatment of anxiety and depression (the two most prominent conditions presenting in MH), indicate only minor differences between experimental CBT-treated samples and control groups on outcomes measured by the Hamilton depression scale; differences that carry statistical meaning (as in not the result of chance) but, as Shedler explains, lack significance in clinical terms, as in discernible contrasts in symptoms, presenting problems. Examining a recent study by Driessen et al. (2013), Shedler derides a method wherein 341 patients were subject to 16 sessions of manualized CBT. Though the method was proclaimed as effective, Shedler points out that only 22% indicated remission of symptoms, based upon assessments taken the day treatment ended. Shedler then points to studies suggesting that even such improvements evaporate after a short period of time and that 50% of CBT recipients seek treatment again after 6 months. And these findings beg other questions: what happened to the other 50% of patients? Did they improve significantly? Did they not improve and then give up on psychotherapy?

Moving on, Shedler generalizes his observations: the average patient receiving manualized CBT is still significantly depressed after a time-limited treatment episode; that benefits assessed after laughingly short intervals after treatment typically evaporate quickly; that most ‘evidence-based’ studies are ‘shams’, suppressing evidence that doesn’t fit preconceived agendas, publication biases extolling what he calls a “master narrative”; that criteria for patients’ participation in studies excludes those who present with more than one diagnosis, or those with personality pathology, to which (I think) most therapists would respond: wait…those are the people we see. Furthermore, Shedler complains that the so-called control groups don’t accurately represent alternative models of treatment; that while prominent or even celebrity practitioners administer the CBT treatment that is studied, psychodynamic methods are carried out by graduate students given minimal training, rendering a comparison of technique unfair. Finally, there exists in research circles what Shedler calls the ‘File drawer’ effect: the phenomenon of studies, or data within studies being suppressed, as in not published, and thereafter shelved (side note: like my Tommy article between 2012 and 2014). The missing data can be inferred from what is called a funnel effect of data, wherein small samples yield a wide range of values, versus large samples which yield a narrower range. The data is then plotted on a graph which resembles a funnel. Shedler demonstrates that gaps appear on such graphs pertaining to manualized CBT research, indicating ‘invisible’ data.

Incidentally, the term ‘manualized’ used and mocked by Shedler merits some comment, as does the rest of Shedler’s arguments, of course, though I’ll shelve most of my comments until part two of this essay, likely a week hence. Anyway, Shedler’s reference to ‘manualized’ treatment is a snide rebuke of therapies that appear to make use of workbooks, often co-written by practitioners and academics. I admit that I have a few of these manuals adorning my bookshelves, though I rarely use them. They contain examples of questions posed to patients about their conditions, designed to challenge problematic thinking; suggestions for a ‘reframing’ of a problem, or examples of homework assignments given—CBT chestnuts, I guess. The comedy in Shedler’s writing—his dismissal of ‘cookbook’ technique—verges on the nasty, but what’s significant is the background context: psychodynamic or psychoanalytic therapies/methods have been taking it on the chin for some time now; dismissed as “that Freud stuff” by pedestrian instructors, psychiatrists, peddlers of psychotropic medication, or ignoramuses positioned at various nodal points in the industry; people who pull the purse strings, or who have those peoples’ collective ear(s), who have been willing to stereotype, quite ruthlessly, the forefathers of our profession. Jonathan Shedler is one of the people at last bothering to fight back. So It’s 2016 and everyone and thing has its advocates. Including the unconscious, it seems.

 

  • I shall refrain from a list of references for this article, though each can be found via Shedler’s 2015 article, “Where is the Evidence for Evidence-Based Therapy”, available online

 

 

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The Elevator

 

The spider that slid out of the trashbag that was inappropriately stashed in the elevator was just shy of an inch long. Small and underprivileged as it was, it would still have struck terror into Sophie, an insurance agent, had she seen it. Luckily, her eyes were locked onto the ceiling, regarding what looked like a cigarette lighter caught behind a shield beside a light fixture, fossilized and forgotten. The five by five foot space was a tight squeeze for the current occupants: the unwelcome, abandoned trashbag; an attentive terrier, hitherto yapping in a hot car in the parking lot, now accompanied by a ten year old boy named Jason. Plus Sophie. The arachnid raced across the worn carpet base only to halt inches before the dog’s lowering nose. Unperturbed, the animal emitted a slight grunt but then withdrew, uninterested. Who knows what animals make of life that moves with unnecessary numbers of limbs, without apparent purpose other than existence? Science knows what kind of instinct or rather reflex will have stilled the tinier creature, motivating its sudden simulation of death.

Jason asked the woman if she’d press the button for the second floor. Though it was a short, benign request, he spoke nervously, as Sophie resembled his Aunt Julie, a severe woman who used to babysit him until he finally spoke up to his parents about her tendency to hit. Jason didn’t think the tall woman by his side would hit necessarily, but she seemed familiarly tense, and might have said something plaintive about his bringing a dog into the building, which would have been bad enough. The time it took for the door to close seemed protracted causing an awkward, silent stalemate, and in Jason’s mind, a complaint about machinery that doesn’t work properly. Someone ought to check its parts, do a thorough maintenance job. Someone ought to do something, Jason thought. When the doors opened for the second floor, he exited hastily, perhaps rudely, while the terrier shuffled beneath his feet, casting another nonplussed glance at the spider. Picking up the dog, the boy rushed across a waiting area to an office where his mother waited, eager to show her fellow realtors the new family pet.

Replacing Jason was a bulky man wearing a post office uniform, who reached in front of Sophie to press a button rather than ask her to do it. It was his rudeness that caught her attention, not that of the boy. The man’s vast armpit opened up like a beast’s mouth preparing to bite—the emanating odor more than doubling the offense of the trashbag that still sat on the other side. The man shook his head, observing the clutter that forced closeness. What followed was a guttural witticism, smothered in heavy breath: something terse, fragmented and nasty about lazy Janitors, people below post office workers in the food chain, he evinced. Sophie returned a look that was not quite a thin smile, more a twitch of lips, followed by a look away, back to that cigarette lighter up above. She changed her mind, looked away from that, thinking the man might follow her gaze, notice the lighter and attempt chatter about that as well. This situation was a quintessential fear for Sophie, and for many women, she considered: being caught alone, in an elevator, with a man who might be dangerous; especially one who was sizeable and seemed gruff and impolite. The halting movement of the elevator was uncomfortable, but at least there wasn’t long to go. At 1600 Sadler Street there were only four floors. Sophie had just one left to go before meeting with her therapist on the top floor. Soon she’d be talking about men, anxiety, tight spaces, spiders, and failed attempts to quit smoking, among other things.

Therapist Daniel Pierce left his fourth floor office early afternoon, hungry for a late lunch on an hour’s break. In the hallway, he passed Bob, a postal worker with whom he shares a manly nod on a daily basis. He and Bob aren’t on a first name basis, just observant of each other’s insignia: Bob’s nametag, the sign on Daniel’s office. By the waiting area Daniel pressed the button that summons the elevator. He hoped its clunky, cumbersome movements would prove quicker than usual, as Bob is surprisingly swift in his circuit of deliveries, and if the elevator didn’t arrive soon, he’d be sharing a ride with the malodorous mailman. Behind him was a familiar sight: a grim-visaged woman, alone in the waiting area, looking flattened, too self-absorbed to read the fluff array of magazines or even notice others. The elevator door opened. Daniel stepped in and hurriedly pressed for the lobby, but Bob made it in time, crossing the threshold just before the doors closed. With a second nod, he acknowledged Daniel but also cast a glance in the direction of Sophie. He faced the counselor as the elevator went down, muttering ugliness: “uptight bitch” was the term Daniel was meant to co-sign with a knowing chuckle, perhaps an exchange of misogynistic platitudes.

It occurred to him—no, it reminded him—that if he doesn’t collude with such beliefs, he risks a dreaded reprisal. Daniel had always been wary of men like Bob; had often worried since he was a kid, and especially since that one time years ago on a commuter train when a thug accosted a female passenger and Daniel was the only other male around, that he’d feel compelled to do something, risk his own health and safety, in the service of either disapproval or actual, as in physical intervention, which wasn’t and isn’t his thing. The smell of Bob—that acrid reek of sweat from walking in the sun—wasn’t the problem. Nor was it the class divide. As the doors opened on the bottom floor, Bob stepped out first, gave Daniel a curt farewell, perhaps registering the counselor’s haughty rejection of him. Daniel moved away with a sigh, noticing a mild jump in his heart rate. It doesn’t take long to feel the specter of violence, he thought, whether it’s real or not. At the brink of the lobby doors he stopped and pulled back suddenly. Cursing and not understanding why he lifted his foot, revealing that which he’d glimpsed an instant before his last step. The spider was crushed.

 

 

 

 

 

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1600 Sadler Street

 

The office building of 1600 Sadler Street in Worcester Massachussetts is four stories high, making it one of the tallest in town, save for the new Mobile T building that went up four blocks away nearly a year ago. Perched on a slight hill, it has an advantage on three similarly sized department stores across the way, which were recently rebuilt upon plots scraped from the earth. On a wraparound balcony outside his office, Daniel Pierce stands overlooking the teeming traffic of late afternoon. His five o’clock appointment has texted him, saying she’s running ten minutes late, which is typical because of the rush hour, though usually Shirley’s lateness is closer to five minutes than ten. When he first signed a lease, Daniel thought he’d enjoy times like this: late afternoon reveries, peering down over the city, feeling comfortably detached and taking in the view while collecting thoughts ahead of a session. In November, an orange tint blends with brown hues on the red maples that line Sadler Street. From above there seems more vegetation than what’s apparent at ground level. The tree-line even seems uniformly cut, as if there were above it a secret layer of atmosphere created especially for the birds. This rarified space costs more for the humans that occupy it so it’s a good thing Shirley’s fee is on its way, whether she’s late or not.

The hard, damp chill sends Daniel inside, thinking of the time his office mate first walked him around, boasting of the balcony area and the view, the then modest rents. Better in the spring and summer, Daniel thinks after just a few minutes outside. He figures he’ll head downstairs, check in with the janitor, as in remind him that some are still around, working. The guy will be making his end-of-day rounds, storing hefty bags of trash in the elevator as he goes from one office to the next, reeking of New Bedford waste. Daniel hates it when he does this, though he doesn’t say anything. It doesn’t look good to Daniel’s clients, this time-saving habit. What must it say to them to have bags of garbage accompanying their ride to the top floor where the therapists tend to have evening appointments? The janitor’s routine seems to privilege the loud and garrulous realtors on the bottom floor, the insurance company hacks on the second. They’re all typically gone by late afternoon, Daniel notices. For their benefit the dirty work and security is done after hours, or close to it. By the front door, the stocky, lumpen keeper of the building is locking up, only to see Daniel stepping out of the elevator, already sporting a wan, diffident smile.

“Oh, right. You’re here tonight, huh?” the man says, sounding vaguely disappointed.

“Thanks,” Daniel replies, indicating the door, which he needs left unlocked, and then, fleetingly, the garbage bag. He moves subtly to the side, as if beckoning the bag to step outside. No, after you, is what it looks like.

“Sorry,” the man says, taking the hint. Mission accomplished, thinks Daniel. Meaning, he didn’t have to say anything. After a gratuitous trip to his car, he heads back upstairs, there to pass his neighbor in the hallway. Charles Mandalay is a construction consultant from Cambridge originally. He has models of his projects all over his office, as evidence of his good work and career path. He’s arrived at the top floor of 1600 Sadler Street as its oldest occupant and has the best suite in the building, on the east side, facing downtown. Sometimes on a Friday he invites others from his floor to stop by for a quiet party, a few cheese and crackers washed down with a choice of red or white wine. Daniel sometimes partakes of one glass maybe, even if he has an appointment or two left to go, because Charles offers a mint to go with the libations. His think-of-everything generosity and hearty spirit seems easy and authentic, if weary and sad. Charles has the look of a man whom others have left behind with all of his goods and memories. To newcomers who fret over rising rents, he schools about the resilience of the landlord, the indelibility of 1600 Sadler Street, and as he orates he stares out his window admiringly.

“The building’s paid for,” he proclaims, suggesting all should relax. They can’t, including Daniel. From that top floor balcony, they see a city closing in, becoming more crowded, making it difficult to get places, arrive for appointments, of whatever kind they are. The building’s old, someone notices. It has the feel of a place that will be torn down soon, replaced by a clothing store, maybe a condo unit or apartment complex. Daniel comments on the elevator: not so much about garbage left inside, but rather the age of the apparatus. Looking closely, one of his clients recently observed that its permit had expired a year or two earlier, which explained its sometimes staccato movement from one floor to the next. Since then Daniel has preferred the stairs at the back. When he isn’t inspecting the elevator for trash, he’s exercising his limbs, getting a workout on the concrete steps that lead to a heavy door, whose warped sound upon opening heralds hasty arrivals.

For the latecomers, especially the younger ones who are spry in the limb department, the jog to the fourth floor is quicker than the elevator ride. Breathless, they sometimes stride in, crossing the threshold to the therapeutic sanctum, meeting Daniel at his door. He stands like a porter, waving them inside. Some take a moment to orient themselves, to gaze outside at that wraparound balcony, at the view outside, the red maples just about visible from their vantage points. Others flop on Daniel’s couch, relieved to have made it in. The sessions are typically fifty minutes long, sometimes a few minutes longer, in defiance of the managed care rules. Those who stick around beyond the evidence-based allocation, who are there for the long haul to do good, in-depth work, often sigh and comment on the security, the time-out from life. This is their safe place, they say. They don’t want anything to change.

 

 

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Listening To You

 

So I conclude this four-part introduction to my paper on Tommy with a reference to its finale: a pop hymnal that Rolling Stone author Dave Marsh once described as “a moving passage expressing that all power emanates from the mob”. For new listeners, “Listening To You”, a refrain attached to the song, “See me, feel me”, might sound a little like the “Let the Sunshine in” passage from Hair, which ran contemporaneously on Broadway in 1969. The sentiments of these songs are indeed similar: an uplifting message of hope for the future, set against the backdrop of a circular musical theme.

The layered meaning of “Listening To You” is addressed in the second half of my paper, which traces the drama of Tommy, proceeding from the opening crisis (the murder of Tommy’s mother’s lover), which his parents cover up, which half-intentionally generates the deaf, dumb, and blind condition which in turn is a manifestation of Tommy’s dissociative withdrawal/silent protest against all that is dishonest. Living his life, Tommy finds a talent, pinball, and becomes a champion of the game and a kind of rock star. Later, as was de rigeur in 1969, he becomes something more than an exponent of light entertainment, something closer to a spiritual leader, inspiring youth in particular. In the midst of this, he is “cured” of his solipsistic withdrawal, transforming from a figure of eloquent silence to one that is socially engaged, if rather didactic in his promotion of “awareness”.

This latter development, to which I had listened casually for years prior to writing my paper, led me to consider other aspects of Tommy’s psychology beyond the effects of early childhood trauma while retaining consideration of that early history. In the service of this task, I turned to the writings of James Masterson and Harry Guntrip, two figures from the psychoanalytic family tree who, like John Bowlby, were writing about things like attachment and loss, schizoid withdrawal, and/or schematics of intrapsychic structure around the same time that Tommy was being made.  Drawing upon Masterson’s model of intrapsychic structure of self disorders, I played with the idea that Tommy Walker emerges as an adult displaying the features of Narcissism and Schizoid personality disorder (the combo presentation is more precisely delineated by Guntrip).

To explain, Masterson’s model is one of so-called object relations units, featuring representations of self and other, which constitute an individual’s false self (a kind of strategic way of being in the world, consisting of an aggregate of experience). According to Masterson, a person’s representations of self and other are nuanced depending upon the nature of their disorder: Borderline, Narcissistic, and Schizoid are the three main personality types his model outlines. Tommy’s Narcissism is exhibited in several ways: initially, his preoccupation with his image in mirrors seems the most obvious indicator; he is lost in himself. Later, he seems grandiose in his emergence as a star, in  his upbraiding of followers, and in his general sense of himself as a “sensation”. Like a tragic hero, he seems destined for a fall. It happens in the penultimate song, “We’re Not Gonna Take It” in which disillusioned (kids?) rebel against the restrictions of the rather farcical “holiday camp” and revolt against Tommy’s leadership. The lyrics bring to mind the kind of scenes that might have happened had fans of Woodstock not tolerated sitting in down-pouring rain, suffering lack of food, overcrowding and poor hygiene conditions for days upon end. Meanwhile, Tommy seems like an aloof figure: essentially withdrawn, somewhat paranoid and alienated, still fearful of being appropriated for others’ needs. His lingering schizoid dilemma is that of seeking attachment while protecting himself from harm, real or imagined.

The hopeful conclusion suggests a resolution of such conflicts, a transcendence of false self strategies such that Tommy and his followers can listen more intently to both outside and internal voices, integrating complex experiences of self and other instead of merely reacting against fate. More plainly, the finale promises that artists and their listeners can learn to move on from trauma, grow up, and deal with life’s triumphs and travails. If that all sounds rather trite or precious, then it may be, but at least it’s more positive or mature than “hope I die before I get old”. Then again, the opera’s libretto (if I may use that term) suggests more or less the same as what “My Generation” did four years prior to Tommy: that The Who would bond with its audience (the mods of the mid-sixties), and reflect their values, dreams, including the nihilism; their love and their hate. So Tommy ends with a refrain that you can sing in the shower, sing from behind the wheel of your car; sing by yourself or sing amongst a crowd. Take your pick, but while you sing, listen:

Listening to you, I get the music

Gazing at you, I get the heat 

Following you, I climb a mountain

I get excitement at your feet

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You Didn’t Hear It, You Didn’t See It

 

“1921” begins as a sentimental ballad, one of the few in The Who’s catalogue. The line, “I had no reason to be over-optimistic, but somehow when you smile I can brave bad weather”, is one of my favorites. Then, without reference to anything specific, the song turns: “What about the boy! What about the boy, he saw it all!”. Now, if Pete and the boys had plans to enact whatever “it” was, they didn’t let on. Actually, The Who toured with Tommy for at least two years without giving the slightest effort to elucidate the plot, at least not on stage. So it seems symbolic, this thing that Tommy Walker witnessed and shouldn’t have. Anyway, it’s more about the reaction than the event. In the next song, “Amazing Journey”, the opera introduces the famous deaf, dumb, and blind boy motif, which is the implied result of the trauma indicated but not specified in “1921”.

This incident, understood to be the murder Tommy’s mother’s lover by Tommy’s father (or the reverse for those who may have watched the film first), leads to the presumed psychosomatic reaction, manifest as Tommy’s disability. In my paper (reminder: due to be published in The Journal of Culture and Psychology next month), I don’t dispute this popular interpretation, but rather color the event in psychoanalytic theory, and open the matter of Tommy Walker’s early developmental history to further discussion. In covering the possibilities, I employ the theories of Melanie Klein, John Bowlby, plus the observations of researchers Jude Cassidy, and Besel Van der Kolk. Fancifully, I compare Tommy to Hamlet in so far as both protagonists suffer trauma that is as much about secrecy and lies as it is about violent horror. In the refrain of “1921”, Tommy’s parents, anxious that their son has witnessed their crime, exhort him, “You didn’t hear it, you didn’t see, you won’t say nothing to no one ever in your life”, and so on. Like many trauma victims, Tommy absorbs the message but extends the parameters of the injunction. He develops pervasive habits of dissociation, acting out, avoidance.

Then again, it’s possible that the crisis of “1921” is culmination of an already insecure attachment, perhaps established during Tommy’s infancy. Bowlby would at least argue that such a predisposition is attributable to external events: the back-drop of World War, the likely depression of Tommy’s mother in the aftermath of her husband’s earlier disappearance. Bowlby’s followers would assume that Tommy is afflicted with the consequences of maternal unavailability. Attachment researchers might speculate that his symptoms constitute avoidant, ambivalent, or most likely, disorganized attachment. Kleinians, meanwhile, might suggest that Tommy’s deaf, dumb and blind condition is an attack upon bad objects, and at least imply that such aggression, experienced within the murky back and forth of intrapsychic projections and introjections, had been within him since birth.

Cassidy’s paper, “Truth, Lies, and Intimacy”, is the centerpiece of an argument that Tommy suffers not so much from witnessing a murder, but from the distorted narrative that surrounds this horror. She and others, including Bowlby, suggest that distorted narratives lead to a profound confusion which prevents individuals from storing memories properly, hence flashbacks, nightmares, and other disturbances linked to complex PTSD. Of these, none are clearly indicated by Tommy’s affliction. Beyond defiant, he is like the early Who, lost in his own world and marching to the beat of a different drummer (BTW: rock has never known a more different drummer than Keith Moon), and his residues are behavioral, while his internal world is opaque. More than harmed, he is broken, alienated from society, even reality, and it’s hard finding a way back. This idea is axiomatic for many artists, psychologists, and historians, who reflect on this phenomenon, knowing it personally, but extrapolating, imagining collective obsessions around unresolved pieces of historical narrative: the assassination of JFK, the subjugation of Native Americans; conspiracy theories relating to area 51, even 9-11.

Now, had the narrative of Tommy lingered on things like flashbacks, nightmares, or broken alienation, the opera might have ground to a halt, become a drag, as the contemporaneous hippies might have thought. So credit Townsend for staying in the context of light entertainment, making it fun, giving Tommy a talent–pinball–for him to play with (his therapy), instead of wallowing in self-pity and gazing at himself in mirrors. How very rock and roll, I say. Then, when he’s either bored or emptied by games, he grows up a little, notices that his fans relate to him, and decides to broaden his message, speak out. He becomes a spiritual guru. How very late sixties, I say. So, rock stars mature. The paranoid-schizoid becomes a depressive, and it’s all fun and games until–well, someone gets hurt–and then something must be done, though what that something is…is unclear and problematic. After all, the play’s the thing.

 

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